Poverty Simulations During a Pandemic

With the economic impact of COVID-19 on communities, poverty simulations are more important than ever to increase awareness and understanding of poverty. But the concern of the virus and its spread is still very real. By following certain guidelines, Community Action Poverty Simulation hosts can keep participants and volunteers safe while still providing a meaningful in-person simulation experience. 

If you hold a simulation while COVID-19 is a health concern, we recommended following these guidelines:

Health and Safety Guidelines

– Abide by CDC guidelines specific to your state. Missouri CAN recommends the total number of participants and volunteers not to exceed 50.

– Anyone experiencing any of the symptoms identified by the Centers for Disease Control and the Department of Health as symptoms of the Coronavirus may not participate.

– We recommend that anyone who is at higher risk for serious COVID-19 complications, or who is in frequent contact with a person at higher risk, not participate in the simulation.

Volunteers and participants should follow the CDC recommended precautions:

– Clean and wash hands with soap and water for 20 seconds frequently (or use hand sanitizer with at least 60% alcohol when unable to wash hands). Participants and volunteers will be asked to wash hands before and after the simulation.

– Avoid close contact with others and maintain a social distance of six (6) feet. 

– Cover nose and mouth with a tissue or inside the elbow when coughing or sneezing, then clean hands by washing or using hand sanitizer. 

– Avoid touching eyes, nose, and mouth with unwashed hands. 

– All volunteers and participants must wear a mask or face covering that cover the mouth and nose throughout the entirety of the simulation.All participants should avoid handshaking or any direct physical contact.

– Participants should exchange materials (cash, checks, vouchers, etc.) by placing them on the tables provided.

– Participants should use hand sanitizer before and after exchanging materials.

Modification to Room and Setup

– Provide hand sanitizer with at least 60% alcohol at each of the tables (including “family” tables and tables designated for vendors).

– Arrange seating at all tables and family groups to allow 6 feet of space between persons.

– Mark floors at each vendor table with spaces for at least three participants to wait in line while maintaining 6 feet of distance.

– If a line of more than three people forms at a particular vendor such that participants cannot maintain a proper distance, participants should remain at their family groups until the line has shortened and there is an available space to stand on a floor marking.

By making a few changes to the room setup and providing guidance for attendees, you can keep participants and volunteers safe while providing a meaningful in-person simulation experience. 

mailbox

The Most Important Thing You Need to Know About Voting in Missouri During the General Election

This year has brought a whirlwind of changes and challenges to the November General Election—specifically HOW you can cast your vote. You can vote in person, absentee, and now mail-in

In a non-pandemic world, absentee voters must provide one of six reasons for voting absentee outlined by the Missouri Secretary of State

A seventh absentee eligibility requirement has been added for the year 2020. Voters who are considered at-risk for contracting or transmitting COVID-19 can vote absentee. These are voters who: 

– Are 65 years of age or older; 

– Live in a long-term care facility licensed under Chapter 198, RSMo.; 

– Have chronic lung disease or moderate to severe asthma; 

– Have serious heart conditions; 

– Are immunocompromised; 

– Have diabetes; 

– Have chronic kidney disease and are undergoing dialysis; or 

– Have liver disease. 

People who vote absentee due to coronavirus at-risk status can vote without ballot notarization. 

Even if you are NOT within these at-risk categories, a provision has been made for all Missouri voters to safely cast their ballot during the pandemic. Due to COVID-19 all Missouri voters can vote by mail for the November 3 election. If you vote by mail in the November General Election, you must do one important thing.  

You must get your mail-in ballot notarized.  

State law requires absentee ballots to be notarized for free. But that same rule doesn’t apply to mail-in ballots. SB 631, which Governor Parson signed to allow mail-in ballots for the November 3, 2020 General Election, did not authorize free notarization for mail-in ballots (i.e., non-absentee ballots that are mailed in). 

All voters may vote by mail, but if you choose to vote by mail, your ballot envelope most be notarized. And it might cost a fee. 

Lest this possible fee be considered a poll tax, notaries across the state are volunteering to assist Missouri voters by notarizing mail-in or absentee ballots at no charge. The Secretary of State’s Office is compiling a list of these notaries. Find a notary for your mail-in or absentee ballot here. This online directory of free notary for mail-in or absentee ballots is updated regularly as notaries are volunteering. 

Absentee vs. Mail-In Ballot: Let’s Look at a Few Examples 

Herbert is 70 years old. He is over the age of 65 and is considered at-risk for COVID-19. Under the new absentee eligibility guidelines, Herbert can vote absentee in the November 3 General Election without a notary. 

Brenda is 25 and working as an election worker on November 3. She can vote absentee but must have her ballot notarized. Brenda’s absentee ballot must be notarized for free according to Missouri state law.  

Glendon is not eligible for absentee voting under the standard criteria or coronavirus at-risk criteria. However, he is a registered Missouri voter, and all registered Missouri voters can vote by mail in the General Election. A notary can charge Glendon a fee to notarize his ballot, but Glendon can find a notary who is volunteering their services free of charge for General Election ballots. 

Let’s Recap 

Every registered Missouri voter can vote by mail-in ballot, but their mail-in ballot envelope MUST be notarized before returning the ballot through the US mail. If you choose to vote by mail,  you can find a notary who will notarize your mail-in ballot for free here

If you are confined due to illness or are within the coronavirus at-risk categories, you eligible to vote absentee by mail WITHOUT getting the envelope notarized.  

Be Sure to Request Your Ballot 

Complete this form to request a Missouri absentee ballot. This application can be returned by mail or in-person at your local election authority. Absentee ballots may be turned in by mail or in person.  

Complete this form to request Missouri mailin ballot. This application for a mail in ballot can be return by mail or in-person at your local election authority. Be sure to find a notary for your ballot envelope. Your mail-in ballot must be returned through the U.S. mail with the envelope notarized for it to count. 

All voted ballots must be received by Election Day in order to be counted. 

For more information, on voting in Missouri see the Secretary of State website.  

Register to Vote 

You must be a registered voter to cast your ballot in the November General Election. Chances are, you are already registered to vote.  If not, your voter registration must be postmarked by the fourth Wednesday before the election. The last day to register in the November 3 General Election is October 7, 2020.  You can complete your voter registration online here. 

Know What’s on the Ballot 

Don’t forget to view the candidates and understand the issues on your ballot. You can find a sample ballot for your location here. 

Voting In-Person Is Still an Option 

If you plan to vote in person, simply show up to your polling place on November 3 between the polling hours of 6:00 a.m. and 7:00 p.m. with the proper ID, cast your ballot, and get your “I VOTED” sticker.  

Regardless of how you vote this year—in-person, absentee, or mail-in—make sure you vote.  

And if you vote by mail, get your ballot notarized.  

Amendment 3: Flawed, Deceptive, and Discriminatory

As the Missouri Community Action Network Board of Directors, we strongly oppose Amendment 3. We believe the measure is flawed, deceptive, and discriminatory and encourage a “No” vote on the November ballot for the following reasons:  

– In 2018, Missouri voters approved Clean Missouri, an amendment aimed at both limiting the influence of lobbyists gifts in the legislative process and eliminating the partisanship that has infected the redistricting process for decades. The people spoke; nearly two-thirds of voters cast their ballot in favor of the measure. Amendment 3 would gut the protections Clean Missouri put in place; 

– Amendment 3 is an attempt to circumvent the will of the people. Politicians are elected to represent their constituents, not to advance their own interests and ignore their communities who voted them into power; 

– Amendment 3 is intended to give political insiders the ability to tip the scales to one party or another through gerrymandering. This practice is an affront to the democratic principles upon which redistricting is based; 

– We believe in fair and equal representation for all Missourians, regardless of race, ethnicity, sex, age, or citizenship status. For years, this state has used population, not the number of eligible voters, to determine district boundaries. There is no justifiable reason to abandon that principle, yet a vote for Amendment 3 would do just that;  

– The Missouri Community Action Network believes discrimination has no place in our state constitution.  Amendment 3’s redistricting process is based on the concept of “one person, one vote,” which is a thinly disguised attempt to disenfranchise huge swaths of the population, particularly people in communities of color. Missouri should not add an amendment that allows politicians to disadvantage minorities and non-citizens;  

– Amendment 3 would also exclude children from the mapmaking process that determines district boundaries. The district maps are redrawn every ten years. Consider the population of high school seniors across the state who have yet to turn 18. When the maps are drawn, they won’t be included among the voters in any district, as they are not yet eligible to vote. For the first ten years of their adult life, they won’t be included in the political representation as determined by these boundaries. And they are just one sector of the 1, 370, 000 Missouri children who at risk of losing representation in the legislature;   

– We believe the redistricting process should be done in a non-partisan manner. It should include everyone, not just those who can go to the polls. Missouri would become the first state to not count every person in district maps if Amendment 3 passes.  Therefore, a “No” vote will prevent the controlling party in the Missouri Legislature, whether Democrat or Republican, to determine how a district is drawn, with the sole intent being to favor one side or the other; 

– Amendment 3 deliberately hides the true purpose of this measure with deceptive ballot language, which is why two courts have struck it down and ordered it to be rewritten. Cole County Judge Patricia Joyce called the language “misleading, unfair, and insufficient.”  

– At Missouri Community Action Network, we care about the entire community—every person, no matter their age or background. And we believe each person in our communities should count when drawing district boundaries. Everyone deserves political representation.   Amendment 3 supports the idea that some people don’t matter. It says part of your community doesn’t get political representation. 

Amendment 3 does not serve the best interests of ALL Missourians. It is a blatant attempt to ignore the wishes of the voters and to roll back the gerrymandering reforms Missourians approved just two years ago. Amendment 3 would strip minority and young communities of their right to fair representation. And the language of the ballot measure was written to hide these nefarious intentions. Missouri Community Action Network won’t stand for this deception and opposes Amendment 3.   

Vote no on Amendment 3 in-person on November 3 or by absentee or mail-in ballot to stop legislators from overriding the will of the people. 

Signed,  

Missouri Community Action Network (Missouri CAN) 

Angela Hirsch, Board President, Missouri CAN 

Missouri CAN Statement on Systemic Racism

In 1883, author Emma Lazarus pronounced, “Until we are all free, we are none of us free.” Throughout the past century and a half, that phrase has been repeated by activists, theologians, and changemakers alike as we walk toward the path of justice and true civil rights for all Americans. Nearly 140 years later, the statement made by Lazarus still rings true. In fact, it’s more important than ever as the United States once again confronts the roots of systemic racism. 

Within the Community Action movement to end poverty, we’ve been here before—after all, our work was borne of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s—but recent events throughout our country make it clear we still have a lot to do right here in Missouri. For example, our state ranks the worst in the entire nation for healthcare disparities. Kansas City is infamous for its history of redlining. Approximately one quarter of all Black Missourians live in poverty, nearly double the state average. Sadly, there are countless other examples of racism and inequality across our state. For those of us involved with Community Action, it’s time to re-commit ourselves to the anti-racism work from which our movement originated and ensure that our Promise extends to our Black, Brown, and Indigenous neighbors:

Community Action changes people’s lives, embodies the spirit of hope, improves communities, and makes America a better place to live. We care about the entire community, and we are dedicated to helping people help themselves and each other.

At Missouri Community Action Network (CAN), we have spent time reflecting upon this statement and wonder if we’ve done enough to truly live out this promise. Have we been making good on this promise for some, but not for others? Have we truly cared about the entire community, or just some of the community? What does it look like when we care for the whole community? Does this mean equal treatment for everyone, or equitable access to program services? 

Among all the questions we’ve raised, we know one thing for certain—poverty and racism are inextricably connected, and we can’t talk about poverty without talking about systemic racism. Just a few minutes spent reviewing the 2020 Missouri Poverty Report makes this fact abundantly clear.

Missouri CAN is known for raising awareness of poverty-related issues, advocating for changes in policies and systems that create disparities, and equipping Community Action staff across Missouri with training and tools to serve their communities well. At the same time, we admit we don’t have all the answers. We humbly seek help from those who’ve been doing racial justice work and those who’ve been active in this movement for a very long time. Above all, we realize that it’s time to return to our Community Action roots and to listen, learn, and act. 

With that, Missouri CAN has committed to taking the following actions to address racism in our organization, our Network, and our state:

  • Inside Our Organization
    • We will initiate an internal education process to recognize our own implicit biases and privileges as we hold ourselves and each other accountable for becoming or growing as anti-racist allies.
    • We will review all internal policies, processes, and the current MCAN strategic plan, then make necessary modifications or additions to ensure our strategic priorities are reflective of our activity and commitment to anti-racism.
  • Throughout Our Community Action Network
    • We will provide opportunities for members of our statewide network to learn about how to incorporate anti-racist practices into organizational systems and program design.
    • We will take the lead on bringing educators, thought leaders, and experts together for hard conversations and new learning opportunities for our network members. 
  • Within Our External Initiatives
    • We will ensure that our public education and advocacy initiatives make clear that poverty and racism are inextricably linked, and work toward dismantling both as we envision a just and equitable future in which all Missourians thrive. 

For all of us to be free—including our Black, Brown, and Indigenous neighbors—we must intentionally fight racism as hard as we work to create economic opportunity for all. It is our responsibility. We make that promise when we become a member of the Community Action Network. We owe it to the entire community to serve the entire community, to advocate for the entire community, and to help the entire community live more equitable, just, and prosperous lives.

Racial Injustices Must End

As a member of the Community Action Partnership, Missouri CAN stands in unison with the Partnership’s statement denouncing racism and calling on all Americans to take action to address the systemic injustices that have plagued our nation for far too long. Words are no longer enough; we must take action now to end racism in all its forms. 

“While many have engaged in social media activism in response to the atrocities, we are calling for everyone to move beyond the keystrokes of media devices and to do more. It’s not enough to feign verbal and distant support for non-racist causes. We must move beyond that into constructive anti-racist action that might even cause us to have to sacrifice the comfort or advantage that some of us have.”

Almost 56 years ago, Community Action was born as part of the civil rights movement, and we continue to denounce all forms of violence and any acts that dehumanize anyone. We know that change requires action. Here are some simple actions you can take address systemic injustices of racism:

Look Outward

– Read books written by people who have different lived experiences than you to broaden your awareness of the perspectives of other people. 

– When you see racist behaviors, call it out in a respectful and peaceful way. 

– Use your sphere of influence to create change. For example: email your company’s leadership to ask how they corporately fight against racial biases, talk with your friends and family, hold a discussion group with your PTA, post on your social media platforms. 

Look Inward 

– Consider your personal motivations and internal biases.

– Think about the impact of your words and adjust accordingly so as not to perpetuate racist language. 

– Adjust behaviors to show kindness and compassion to people of different races.

– Vote for people who exhibit compassion for all races and policies that dismantle racism. 

UPDATE: Missouri CAN 2020 Annual Conference

Dear Members of the Missouri Community Action Network:

The Missouri CAN Annual Conference is an event we look forward to each year for the opportunity it provides to receive professional development, network with others from across the state, and reinvest in our commitment to the Community Action promise. In March of this year, however, the planning efforts were forced to change due to the Coronavirus pandemic. The Missouri CAN team, in conjunction with the Executive Committee of the Board, began exploring possible alternatives to format and event dates, only to find no viable options. Therefore, it is with great disappointment that I share with you today that due to circumstances related to COVID-19, Missouri CAN has been rendered unable to conduct this year’s event. 

While the world we currently live in looks considerably different to what any of us could have imagined just a few short months ago, we want to commend the strength of our Network in responding to this ever-changing situation. Though we are still unable to safely come together in person, the unity of Community Action has been felt as deeply as ever through the hard work and perseverance each one of you shows every day. Missouri CAN remains committed to serving you as we all navigate our current reality, and though the Annual Conference will not take place, we are already looking into ways to provide you with critical and timely training opportunities to enhance your professional development throughout this time. We thank you for your continued support and all you do to serve the low-income residents of Missouri.

2021 marks the 50th year of Missouri CAN as an organization, and plans are already underway to make next year’s event more dynamic than ever! I know the Missouri CAN team looks forward to sharing these plans with you soon, and welcoming you all when the time is right and the Network can meet face-to-face again.

In light of these circumstances, the Charles Braithwait Leadership Award and Outstanding Community Service Awards will not take place this year. If you submitted a nomination for either of these two awards, your information will be maintained on record, and those nominations will be considered in 2021.

It has truly been one of the highlights of my Community Action career to serve as your Board President for the last two years. Although I am disappointed, as many of you are, that we cannot gather together this year, I know that the amazing commitment, dedication and passion you all display in this work will continue to shine. The lives you touch, the communities you serve and the change you drive make a difference everyday. I thank you for your dedication and for your service, and I look forward to the new world Community Action creates in the wake of this pandemic. Together we are strong. Together we are innovative. Together we are Community Action.  

With deepest sincerity,
Your Missouri CAN President,

Angela Hirsch
Missouri CAN Board President
Chief Program Officer, Central Missouri Community Action

NECAC Gets Top HUD Rating

North East Community Action Corporation recently received top ratings for administering a federally funded rent assistance program. 

President and Chief Executive Officer Don Patrick said the agency earned a 104% rating from the US Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) for its performance in administering the Section 8 Housing Rental Assistance Program in Lewis, Lincoln, Macon, Marion, Monroe, Montgomery, Pike, Ralls, Randolph, Shelby and Warren counties. 

The 11 counties are part of the Lincoln County Public Housing Agency overseen and administered by NECAC, which also administers the program in St. Charles County where it received a 102% rating last year.

This is the ninth time in ten years NECAC received HUD’s superior rating. 

Read more about NECAC’s program and the recent rating in the agency’s newsletter.

The Effects of COVID-19 on Low-Income People

It is almost always the case that when disaster strikes, people living in poverty are often affected disproportionately. A lack of resources limit both these families’ ability to prepare for emergencies and their ability to recover. As the novel coronavirus spreads across the country and more Americans are contracting COVID-19, we can expect that low-income Americans will be hit especially hard. 

Here are some of the ways in which low-income people may be disproportionately impacted:

Poor Americans are much more likely to be uninsured, and as a result, much less likely to receive medical care. Without regular medical care, they are more likely to have underlying health conditions that may make them more susceptible to the worst effects of COVID-19, resulting in a higher mortality rate. Even without underlying medical conditions, the inability to afford health care may keep some from receiving treatment, exacerbating symptoms, and perhaps even prolonging the course of the disease. The problems caused by lack of health coverage are especially a problem for states like Missouri that have not expanded Medicaid. 

Those without health insurance may also be less likely to get tested when they exhibit symptoms, and therefore may not know that they have been infected with the coronavirus. Some could unwittingly be passing on the virus, meaning that a lack of insurance coverage is a health threat for everyone. 

With little or no money to spare, low-income people are less able to stock up in anticipation of quarantines or travel restrictions. 

Since low-wage workers are disproportionately employed in industries that are most likely to experience some of the most severe effects of restrictions on travel and measures to encourage social distancing (restaurants and hotels, for example), these individuals are the most likely to experience unemployment resulting from the spread of the virus and measures to control it. 

Necessary measures intended to limit the spread of the virus, such as social distancing, may also harm poor people. If workers are forced to stay away from work temporarily, low-wage jobs are the most likely to involve tasks that cannot be done at home. In fact, these jobs, which often involve caregiving and customer service, are more likely to involve direct human contact than most higher wage jobs. For those low-wage workers who do have jobs that are amenable to working remotely, they still may not be able to do so because they are less likely to have access to broadband Internet connections. Since low-wage jobs rarely include paid leave, these workers are faced with the prospect of long periods of lost income whether or not they actually contract COVID-19.

Given the outsized impact low-income people will endure, Missouri CAN urges both employers and policymakers to consider these burdens and take steps to lessen the impact on low-income Missourians. These steps should include the following:

Extend health coverage so low-income Missourians can receive testing and treatment they need. Tests should be provided for anyone free of charge. Congress should make more Medicaid funding available and grant waivers to states to ensure that Medicaid covers the cost of treatment.

Additional nutrition assistance, through measures like temporary increases in SNAP (Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program) benefits, is needed to address the increased food insecurity that many families will face.

The federal government should provide additional funds for states to extend unemployment insurance benefits, and states should be prepared to extend the period of eligibility these benefits. Work requirements should be relaxed, especially for infected or high-risk individuals.

Employers should provide paid leave for workers unable to work due to illness, quarantine, or temporary closure of workplaces. The federal government should provide funds to assist small employers make this leave available.

In addition, Missouri CAN joins advocacy organizations around the state in asking the U.S. Senate to ensure passage of the House version of the Coronavirus Response Act, though we realize some modifications may be necessary. The FMAP (Federal Medical Assistance Percentages) increase included in the Act are among its most important provisions because FMAP:

Allows states to address immediate public health needs – By providing immediate resources to states as they try to cover large, unexpected COVID-19 related costs, it will prevent states from shortchanging critical public health measures – from hospital readiness to public outreach to quarantine-related costs – because they don’t have enough funds. By covering a larger share of Medicaid costs, the proposal frees up state resources for other immediate health-related needs. 

Makes it possible for states to use Medicaid to cover COVID-19 related needs – Medicaid provides a wide range of flexibilities states can use to help address the crisis, from targeted eligibility expansions to insure people can get tested and treated to  broadening coverage of telehealth to covering certain quarantine-related costs, as Washington state is seeking to do. But exercising these options costs money. A broad increase in federal Medicaid funding is the best way to help state policymakers make the targeted Medicaid changes and adjustments that meet their states’ needs.

Prevents states from cutting Medicaid eligibility or benefits during the public health crisis – Past experience shows that, without federal action, state policymakers (constrained by balanced budget requirements) will restrict access to Medicaid over the coming months, as unexpected costs from COVID-19 mount and if, as seems increasingly likely, an economic downturn reduces state revenues. That would lead more people to become uninsured in the middle of the coronavirus crisis, undermining the public health response and creating immense hardship for families. The proposal prevents this both by providing states with more resources and by requiring states accepting these resources to agree not to cut Medicaid eligibility for the duration of the public health emergency. 

Provides needed support to the economy – With an economic downturn likely as a result of coronavirus, state budget cuts would also damage the economy by further contracting demand. Research on the similar FMAP increase put in place in 2009 found that it provided highly effective economic help. The policy was also effective in preventing state budget cuts when adopted on a bipartisan basis as part of 2003 economic recovery legislation. 

What We’re Reading: The Color of Law

About 50 years ago, the public and elected officials latched on to an assumption that persists to this day: segregation, in a post-Civil Rights America, is de facto—the result of private individuals’ decisions about where to live. And a 2007 Supreme Court ruling involving the integration of public schools expressly supported this idea. People, not the government, are responsible for segregation.

Richard Rothstein’s The Color of Law is an attempt to dispel the myth of de facto segregation. The book rejects the view that African Americans and whites were divided by choice. By peeling back the layers of the nation’s pro-segregation past, Rothstein instead shows that at all levels—from the county sheriff’s office to the White House—there was a concerted effort to keep African Americans from integrating into white neighborhoods and to funnel them into slums and ghettos. The government did cause the problem, The Color of Law argues.

“Today’s residential segregation in the North, South, Midwest, and West is not the unintended consequences of individual choices and of otherwise well-meaning law or regulation but of unhidden public policy that explicitly segregated every metropolitan area in the United States.”

from “The Color of Law” by Richard Rothstein

With meticulous research, Rothstein chronicles housing segregation from post-Civil War to the present. The myth of de facto segregation begins to collapse under the weight of his extensive evidence. In example after example, the book shows how American cities were segregated by design. Zoning laws that created whites-only housing, and federal regulators allowing financial institutions to target minority communities in offering high-risk subprime mortgages in the early 2000s played a role.

Rothstein builds a compelling and nearly undeniable case that segregation in the United States is de jure—created not by societal influences, the actions of private institutions, or personal choices, but by discriminatory public policy and law.

This powerful and insightful book corrects decades of misinformation and offers a more accurate history of America’s racial divisions. Its goal is particularly timely, as the country continues to grapple with the divides that separate us, both literal and figurative. The Color of Law is not a roadmap forward, though. It offers few solutions. Instead, it is a necessary look backwards at the policies that led to the segregated America in which we now live.—Daniel Klote, Administrative Assistant and Membership Coordinator

Richard Rothstein is a research associate at the Economic Policy Institute and the author of The Color of Law, which was longlisted for the National Book Award.

What We’re Reading: Hillbilly Elegy

author J.D. Vance

Hillbilly Elegy is a story of family stability and family instability. It’s a story of upward mobility in rural America. And it’s a story of regional values. It’s the story of J.D. Vance growing up in Appalachia.

Vance was raised in Middletown, Ohio with Appalachian values of loyalty and love of country. But contrasting these values was verbal abuse and violence as Vance’s mother suffered from drug addictions and cycled through relationships. Despite the instability, Vance found solace during key times in Breathitt County, Kentucky with his extended family—especially his grandmother: “mamaw.” Mamaw’s tough but loving support helped Vance attend college at Ohio State University and then move on to Yale Law School.

“Now consider the sum of my life after I moved in with Mamaw permanently. At the end of tenth grade, I lived with Mamaw, in her house, with no one else. At the end of eleventh grade, I lived with Mamaw, in her house, with no one else. At the end of twelfth grade, I lived with Mamaw, in her house, with no one else…What I remember most is that I was happy—I no longer feared the school bell at the end of the day, I knew where I’d be living the next month, and no one’s romantic decisions affected my life. And out of that came the opportunities I’ve had for the past twelve years.”

Yet Vance’s book extends beyond his life story. Hillbilly Elegy explores the responsibility of families as well as culture and upward mobility, especially for rural communities. He also questions certain values and shares insight into the flood of outsider politics during the 2016 presidential campaign.

While this book has been met with equal measures of praise and criticism, it is in fact a true account of Vance living in poverty, capturing both his observations and experience all while processing the difficult dynamic of the family situation. The complex topics, albeit tough to wrestle with, are important to understand how poverty can look. To help readers process the themes of the book, HarperCollins Publishers has created a reading guide for the book. We invite you to explore this resource, whether reading with a group or on your own. —Sarah Hackman, Associate Director of Strategic Communications

James David “J.D.” Vance is a venture capitalist and author of Hillbilly Elegy, which was on The New York Times Best Seller list in 2016 and 2017. In April 2017, Ron Howard signed on to direct and produce a film adaptation of Vance’s book, which is slated for release on Netflix in 2020. Glenn Close and Amy Adams have been cast as mamaw and Vance’s mother, respectively.

Why the Poverty Measure (and How It’s Measured) Matters

This summer, the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) held a comment period for the public to submit feedback on Consumer Inflation Measures Produced by Statistical Agencies—a proposal that would ultimately change the way poverty is measured in the United States. The proposal set forth by OMB raised concern for Missouri CAN, along with fellow nonprofit and advocacy groups. Here are reasons this proposal is concerning and some key takeaways from our comments submitted to OMB.

What the OMB Poverty Measure Proposal Suggests

For many decades, OMB has used the Consumer Price Index-Urban Inflation measure to update the Official Poverty Measure each year. This current inflation rate underestimates what low-income families need to get by and merits an update. OMB is suggesting several different inflation measures to change how poverty is measured. However, these inflation measures up for consideration would result in an even smaller cost of living adjustment each year, thus creating a lower poverty line. This lower poverty line would result in a less-accurate measure of individuals and families struggling to afford basic needs, and therefore reduce eligibility for assistance programs such as Medicaid and nutrition assistance programs. 

The two inflation rates up for consideration as proposed by OMB are:

– Chained Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (C-CPI-U)
– Personal Consumption Expenditures Price Index (PCEPI)

Although we appreciate the desire to update how the poverty measure is calculated to make it more meaningful, the strategies outlined in the OMB proposal are concerning. Neither the Chained Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (C-CPI-U) nor the Personal Consumption Expenditures Price Index (PCEPI) would adequately or accurately assess the status and well-being of lower income individuals and families. 

OMB’s call for comment was not asking whether the poverty measure should be calculated differently; there is no doubt the calculation needs to be updated. The comment period was to seek feedback on OMB’s proposal for how to calculate poverty moving forward. 

Why the Poverty Measure Proposal Concerns Us

Low-income households purchase goods that experience more inflation on average when compared to households with incomes above the poverty line. The C-CPI-U (proposed inflation measure to use) shows a lower rate of inflation compared to the CPI-U (inflation measure currently used), and therefore the result is an overall reduction in the poverty threshold. 

This means fewer individuals and families will qualify for critical programs that tie eligibility to the Federal Poverty Line, including:

– TANF
– SNAP
– WIC
– School Meals
– CHIP
– Medicaid
– LIHEAP
– Head Start
-Family Planning
-and many others

And over time, the proposed use of a lower measure of inflation would reduce or eliminate critical services, including programs that address the very indicators of need that help families and communities thrive – economic and family security; education; food and nutrition; health; and housing and energy. 

No information was provided as part of the Request for Comment that shows how the proposed changes would affect the most economically vulnerable Americans who rely on these programs as a pathway out of poverty. And given that the proposed measures would not accurately reflect how inflation impacts people with low incomes, many working individuals and families will essentially be “defined out” of poverty and denied access to programs vital to helping them achieve economic stability. This would create a devastating ripple effect as all levels of government use poverty data when determining allocation of resources, and an incorrect count of those in poverty will likely result in the further reduction of support to economically vulnerable populations. 

OMB Needs to Investigate a Few Things Further

In addition to our concerns with the proposed inflation measures for calculating poverty, we strongly believe that any change to the inflationary measure used to establish the Official Poverty Measure should not be undertaken without in-depth research and analysis. 

The notice in the Federal Register states that OMB is not seeking comments on the impact of the proposed changes. However, before moving forward, it would be prudent for the Administration to conduct additional research and seek further comment on the accuracy of current and proposed measures of poverty and the number of individuals who would potentially lose access to critical services as a result of the change. 

Areas of the proposal we believe merit further investigation include these four key factors: 

1. Do these measures accurately or inaccurately reflect the true extent of poverty in America’s communities?

2. What is the potential for direct negative impact on individuals, children, and families through restricted eligibility on programs that serve those most in need?

3. What other poverty measures need to be considered?

4. How will a false perception of lower poverty rates further reduce funding for programs?

With the current proposal from OMB, individuals and families would essentially be defined out of poverty though their situation remains unchanged. How poverty is measured matters greatly. An accurate poverty measure impacts the resources communities have to help those in need move out of poverty. For more information regarding Missouri CAN’s efforts, contact Missouri CAN’s Director of Public Affairs and Community Engagement Jessica Hoey at jhoey@communityaction.org.

Lyndon B. Johnson signs Medicare bill

Happy Birthday, Medicare

If Medicare was a person, he’d have to wait 12 more years to qualify for the national health insurance program bearing his name. Today, Medicare is 53 years old. Medicare was born on July 30, 1965 when President Lyndon B. Johnson signed into law the bill that led to the program protecting the health and well-being of millions of Americans.

At age 53, our personified Medicare might begin to experience hearing loss, chronic pain, changes in vision, osteoporosis, cancer, prostate issues, high cholesterol, or other health issues more common in people over the age of 50 than in younger adults. People age 40 to 59 are more than five times more likely to have heart disease as people 20 to 39 according to the American Heart Association. And as Mr. Medicare experiences more and more health issues with age, his private insurance premiums continue to increase and have a negative impact on his family financially.

An article from The Atlantic earlier this year (read the full article here) describes how the American health-care system increases inequality, citing financial obstacles:

“Many patients throughout the year pay hundreds or thousands of dollars in premiums, most often through workplace contributions. Then, at the doctor’s office, they are faced with a deductible, and they may need to pay coinsurance or make a copayment. If they have prescriptions, they’ll likely fork over cash for those, too.”

And that’s just for basic primary care for one person. Repeat that process for an entire family; add in any labs, referrals, specialists, emergency-room visits, and surgeries; and the result for even healthy families is dozens and dozens of payments, and often thousands of dollars.”

The Atlantic article also points to recent research from the American Journal of Public Health about how medical expenses push millions of Americans below the federal poverty line:

The researchers also found that medical spending sent millions of people effectively into poverty or into deeper rungs of poverty. Seven million Americans making more than 150 percent of the federal poverty line—$31,000 for a family of three—dropped below that line if medical expenses were subtracted from their income. That meant that these families spent something like a third or more of all their income on health care. Of the 7 million, 4 million found their post-health-care income reduced below 50 percent of the poverty line, meaning they spent about two-thirds of their total income on health care. The study also found that the ACA decreased the amount of inequality caused by health-care expenses, but only slightly.”

We wish Mr. Medicare good health on his 53rd birthday. Perhaps he can scrape by another year without so much as a general physical.